Pakistan as a purely 'Islamic' State

Bad elements from religious texts could be eliminated through international consents.

The zihadi activity against innocent population, if preached in islam through quran, it

can be eliminated.

Perhaps mohammad paigambar thought of it, to consolidate good people against the

evil; but it became a cause of killing people for selfish moto and monopoly against the

believers of other faith. This Islamic terror activity, and eliminating other faith believers,

can be stopped if the Quran is updated with the consent from world leaders sitting together.

It is possible in the modern world. International courts can take  up such activity on priority

basis. Killing innocent people, how can it be a religion? One can not enforce his belief

on another person, without his will. Seeing other believer, as inferior or superior, itself

is incorrect. Such things are against the coexistence of Human society.

Resignation letter of Jogendra Nath Mandal

1. Before I narrate the remote and immediate causes of my resignation, it may

be useful to give a short background of the important events that have taken

place during the period of my co-operation with the League. Having been approached

by a few prominent League leaders of Bengal in February 1943, I agreed to work

with them in the Bengal Legislative Assembly. After the fall of the Fazlul Haq

ministry in March 1943, with a party of 21 Scheduled Caste M.L.A.s, I agreed to

cooperate with Khwaja Nazimuddin, the then leader of the Muslim League

Parliamentary Party who formed the Cabinet in April 1943. Our co-operation

was conditional on certain specific terms, such as the inclusion of three

Scheduled Caste Ministers in the Cabinet, sanctioning of a sum of Rupees

Five Lakhs as annual recurring grant for the education of the Scheduled Castes,

and the unqualified application of the communal ratio rules in the matter of

appointment to Government services

2. Apart from these terms, the principal objectives that prompted me to work

in co-operation with the Muslim League was, first that the economic interests

of the Muslims in Bengal were generally identical with those of the Scheduled

Castes. Muslims were mostly cultivators and labourers, and so were members

of the Scheduled Castes. One section of Muslims were fishermen, so was a

section of the Scheduled Castes as well, and secondly that the Scheduled Castes

and the Muslims were both educationally backward. I was persuaded that my

co-operation with the League and its Ministry would lead to the undertaking

on a wide scale of legislative and administrative measures which, while promoting

the mutual welfare of the vas bulk of Bengal's population, and undermining

the foundations of vested interest and privilege, would further the cause of

communal peace and harmony. It may be mentioned here that Khwaja Nazimuddin

took three Scheduled Caste Ministers in his cabinet and appointed three

Parliamentary Secretaries from amongst the members of my community.

LAHORE RESOLUTION

7. I must make it clear that I have thought that an attempt would be made, as is

being done at present, to develop Pakistan as a purely 'Islamic' State based on

the Shariat and the injunctions and formulae of Islam. I presumed that it would

be set up in all essentials after the pattern contemplated in the Muslim League

resolution adopted at Lahore on March 23, 1940. That resolution stated inter

alia that (I) "geographically contiguous areas are demarcated into regions which

should be constituted with such territorial readjustments as may be necessary,

that the areas in which the Muslims are numerically in majority as in the north-western

and eastern zones of India, should be grouped to constitute independent States

in which the Constituent units shall be autonomous and sovereign" and (II) "adequate,

effective and mandatory safeguards should be specifically provided in the Constitution

for minorities in these units and in these regions for the protection of their religious,

cultural, political, administrative and other rights and interests in consultation with

them." Implicitly in this formula were (a) that North western and eastern Muslim zones

should be constituted into two independent States, (b) that the constituent units

of these States should be autonomous and sovereign, (c) that minorities' guarantee

should be in respect of rights as well as of interest and extend to every sphere of

their lives, and (d) that Constitutional provisions should be made in these regards

in consultation with the minorities themselves. I was fortified in my faith in this resolution

and the professions of the League Leadership by the statement Qaid-e-Azam Mohammed

Ali Jinnah was pleased to make on the 11th August 1947 as the President of the Constituent

Assembly giving solemn assurance of equal treatment for Hindus & Muslims alike and

calling upon them to remember that they were all Pakistanis. There was then no question

of dividing he people on the basis of religion into full-fledged Muslim citizens and

zimmies [i][1] being under the perpetual custody of the Islamic State and its Muslims

citizens. Every one of these pledges is being flagrantly violated apparently to your

knowledge and with your approval in complete disregard of the Qaid-e-Azam's wishes

and sentiments and to the detriment and humiliation of the minorities.

PARTITION OF BENGAL

8. It may also be mentioned in this connection that I was opposed to the partition

of Bengal. In launching a campaign in this regard I had to face not only tremendous

resistance from all quarters but also unspeakable abuse, insult and dishonour.

With great regret, I recollect those days when 32 crores of Hindus of this Indo-

Pakistan Sub-continent turned their back against me and dubbed me as the enemy

of Hindus and Hinduism, but I remained undaunted and unmoved in my loyalty

to Pakistan. It is a matter of gratitude that my appeal to 7 million Scheduled Caste

people of Pakistan evoked a ready and enthusiastic response from them. They

lent me their unstinted support sympathy and encouragement

9. After the establishment of Pakistan on August 14, 1947 you formed the Pakistan

Cabinet, in which I was included and Khwaja Nazimuddin formed a provisional Cabinet

for East Bengal. On August 10, I had spoken to Khwaja Nazimuddin at Karachi and

requested him to take 2 Scheduled Caste Ministers in the East Bengal Cabinet. He

promised to do the same sometime later. What happened subsequently in this

regard was a record of unpleasant and disappointing negotiation with you, Khwaja

Nazimuddin and Mr. Nurul Amin, the present Chief Minister of East Bengal. When I

realised that Khwaja Nazimuddin was avoiding the issue on this or that excuse,

I became almost impatient and exasperated. I further discussed the matter with

the Presidents of the Pakistan Muslim League and its East Bengal Branch. Ultimately,

I brought the matter to your notice. You were pleased to discuss the subject with

Khwaja Nazimuddin in my presence at your residence. Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed

to take one Scheduled Caste Minister on his return to Dacca. As I had already

became sceptic about the assurance of Khwaja Nazimuddin, I wanted to be definite

about the time-frame. I insisted that he must act in this regard with a month, failing

which I should be at liberty to resign. Both you and Khwaja Nazimuddin agreed to

the condition. But alas! you did not perhaps mean what you said. Khwaja Nazimuddin

did not keep his promise. After Mr. Nurul Amin had became the Chief Minister of

East Bengal, I again took up the matter with him. He also followed the same old

familiar tactics of evasion. When I again called your attention to this matter prior

to your visit to Dacca in 1949, you were pleased to assure me that Minority Ministers

would be appointed in East Bengal, and you asked 2/3 names from me for consideration.

In stat deference to your wish, I sent you a note stating the Federation Group in the

East Bengal Assembly and suggesting three names. When I made enquiries as

to what had happened on your return from Dacca, you appeared to be very cold

and only remarked : "Let Nurul Amin return from Delhi". After a few days I again

pressed the matter. But you avoided the issue. I was then forced to come to the

conclusion that neither you not Mr. Nurul Amin had any intention to take any Scheduled

Caste Minister in the East Bengal Cabinet. Apart from this, I was noticing that Mr.

Nurul Amin and some League leaders of East Bengal were trying to create disruption

among the Members of the Scheduled Caste Federation. It appeared to me that my

leadership and wide-spread popularity were considered ominous. My outspokenness,

vigilance and sincere efforts to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan,

in general, and of the Scheduled Caste, in particular, were considered a matter on

annoyance to the East Bengal Govt. and few League leaders. Undaunted, I took

my firm stand to safeguard the interests of the minorities of Pakistan.

ANTI-HINDU POLICY

10. When the question of partition of Bengal arose, the Scheduled Caste people

were alarmed at the anticipated dangerous result of partition. Representation on

their behalf were made to Mr. Suhrawardy, the then Chief Minister of Bengal who

was pleased to issue a statement to the press declaring that none of the rights

and privileges hitherto enjoyed by the Scheduled Caste People would be curtailed

after partition and that they would not only continue to enjoy the existing rights and

privileges but also receive additional advantages. This assurance was given by

Mr. Suhrawardy not only in his personal capacity but also in his capacity as the

Chief Minister of the League Ministry. To my utter regret it is to be stated that after

partition, particularly after the death of Qaid-e-Azam, the Scheduled Castes have

not received a fair deal in any matter. You will recollect that from time to time I brought

the grievances of the Scheduled Castes to your notice. I explained to you on several

occasions the nature of inefficient administration in East Bengal. I made serious

charges against the police administration. I brought to your notice incidents of

barbarous atrocities perpetrated by the police on frivolous grounds. I did not hesitate

to bring to your notice the anti-Hindu policy pursued by the East Bengal Government

especially the police administration and a section of Muslim League leaders.

WOMEN FOR MILITARY

13. The atrocities perpetrated by the police and the military on the innocent Hindus,

especially the Scheduled Castes of Habibgarh in the District of Sylhet deserve description.

Innocent men and women were brutally tortured, some women ravished, their houses raided

and properties looted by the police and the local Muslims. Military pickets were posted in

the area. The military not only oppressed these people and took away stuff forcibly from

Hindu houses, but also forced Hindus to send their women-folk at night to the camp to

satisfy the carnal desires of the military. This fact also I brought to your notice. You assured

me of a report on the matter, but unfortunately no report was forthcoming

STAGGERING DETAILS - NEARLY 10,000 KILLED

22. During my nine days' stay at Dacca, I visited most of the riot-affected areas of

the city and suburbs. I visited Mirpur also under P.S. Tejgaon. The news of the killing

of hundreds of innocent Hindus in trains, on railway lines between Dacca and Narayanganj,

and Dacca and Chittagong gave me the rudest shock. On the second day of Dacca riot,

I met the Chief Minister of East Bengal and requested him to issue immediate instructions

to the District authorities to take all precautionary measures to prevent spreading of the

riot in district towns and rural areas. On the 20th February 1950, I reached Barisal town

and was astounded to know of the happenings in Barisal. In the District town, a number

of Hindu houses were burnt and a large number of Hindus killed. I visited almost all riot-affected

areas in the District. I was simply puzzled to find the havoc wrought by the Muslim rioters

even at places like Kasipur, Madhabpasha and Lakutia which were within a radius of six

miles from the District town and were connected with motorable roads. At the Madhabpasha

Zamindar's house, about 200 people were killed and 40 injured. A place, called Muladi,

witnessed a dreadful hell. At Muladi Bandar alone, the number killed would total more than

three hundred, as was reported to me by the local Muslims including some officers. I

visited Muladi village also, where I found skeletons of dead bodies at some places. I

found dogs and vultures eating corpses on he river-side. I got the information there that

after the whole-scale killing of all adult males, all the young girls were distributed among

the ringleaders of the miscreants. At a place called Kaibartakhali under P.S. Rajapur, 63

persons were killed. Hindu houses within a stone's throw distance from the said thana

office were looted, burnt and inmates killed. All Hindu shops of Babuganj Bazar were looted

and then burnt and a large number of Hindus were killed. From detailed information received,

the conservative estimate of casualties was placed at 2,500 killed in the District of Barisal

alone. Total casualties of Dacca and East Bengal riot were estimated to be in the neighbourhood

of 10,000 killed. The lamentation of women and children who had lost their all including near and

dear ones melted my heart. I only asked myself "What was coming to Pakistan in the name

of Islam."